A Call for a Marshall Plan for South Sudan (Part 2 of 2)

By John A. Akec
"A pound improvement in governance leads to a tenfold increase in prosperity" – Author's personal conviction

BACKGROUND INTRODUCTION
This is the second and final part of the article which I published recently under the same title. The central theme of the first part of the article was proposing a South Sudan Marshall Plan to be funded by US, Britain, and Norway in partnership with countries that have interest in strengthening peace and political stability in South Sudan through extending line of credit on favourable terms to the government of South Sudan and, where appropriate, providing financial assistance in areas of strategic importance to the new nation.
After publishing part one of the article, numerous comments were made on different discussion fora that ranged from encouraging, to lukewarm, to pessimistic. Prominent among these comments is the perceived institutional fragility of South Sudan, high level of official corruption, and increasing crime and insecurity in the country; all of which many of my discussants believe will put off potential lenders, investors, and donors.

While acknowledging that these are genuine concerns, I am of the view that equitable socioeconomic development is an indispensable vehicle for achieving peace and political stability in any country - a satisfied citizen is a happy and peaceful citizen. I also acknowledge that institutional reforms and improvements in governance are vital if such a plan is to succeed. We will need to convince the lenders to part with their money by giving them confidence that the funds will be effectively used to achieve the intended goals.

Moreover, once funds start flowing in, success must be maintained in order to guarantee further funding.
This article outlines a number of institutional reforms and a sample of project priorities from a personal perspective without confessing to 'knowing it all', and without being presumptuous as to think that my noises as a blogger will ever ruffle the feathers of the establishment. And notwithstanding, I want to share my thoughts on the above issues as a global citizen and local member of this society called South Sudan. To that end I want to 'do it anyway' as Mother Teresa would advise us.

INSTITUTIONAL REFORMS
This is a challenge for which there is no quick fix, apart from continuous monitoring, evaluation, and change so that current institutions are seen fit for the purpose. For starters, there must be legislation in place to define the purpose and mandate of institutions in unambiguous terms. The legislation must define accountability hierarchy and lines of command. Right persons with right skills and experience must be chosen to lead the right institutions. There must be a yardstick for measuring institutional effectiveness and mechanism for monitoring performance. In other words, to operate the government in closed-loop mode as opposed to open-loop fashion in which we seem to fire into the dark without bothering to count the number of hits or misses.

National Legislative Assembly needs to be more effective in both its legislative and supervisory role than it currently is. There is concern that our law makers are too reluctant to raise motions on anything that will challenge or bring a member of executive wing (president, minister, governor, or commission chairs) under spotlight. This needs to change even if it means the President calling an earlier election or do something to wake everyone up in the legislative wing.

Presidential Advisors
 Good advisors are the eyes and the ears of a president. There should be presidential advisors on all things that matter to a nation. Advisors do not necessarily need to be on full-time terms of duty. The current range of presidential advisors is limited and needs expanding. Areas for advisors' appointments, beside political affairs, decentralization,  religion, and gender; should also include foreign affairs, education, health, science and technology, agriculture, trade and industry, environment, media, aviation, transport, and so on. In terms of priority, advisors on economy, education, health, agriculture, and science and technology should come prominently high on the top list in addition to security and defense (already well catered for).

Establishing Institutions for Strategic Planning
Every country must have strategic goals that define where the nation wants to be in the next 3, 5, 10, 15, 20 years and beyond. What we do at present will bear fruits in the distant future. What we do not do at present can be a missed opportunity tomorrow. Hence, South Sudan can do better with a little more strategic thinking and less with groping in the dark.

For example, where South Sudan finds itself today in terms of shortage and high fuel prices is hardly an accidental misfortune, but rather the ultimate prize for not thinking and acting strategically five or seven years ago. It is a living proof of the cliché: failing to plan [strategically] is planning to fail [strategically].

Institutions for strategic planning are vital for the survival and future prosperity of any country. All forward-looking nations must have institutions that specialize in scanning the horizons for risks, threats, and opportunities; then prod the governments to plan and act well ahead of time upon the findings in order to minimize risks, reduce threats, and exploit opportunities. The government of South Sudan must set up a council for strategic planning that consults and works with academic and research institutions, think-tanks, and civil society groups to conduct policy analysis and compile reports that inform government strategic policy design and long-term development plans.

That also means the government should avail funds for think-tanks, research and academic institutions, and civil society groups to build up their capacity to play their role in socioeconomic development. And more important still, the government must act upon their analysis and findings.

The designated institution(s) for strategic planning should monitor how developmental projects are faring and frequently publishes reports (internal and public), meets with the legislators and executive branch of the government to discuss the status of progress of major projects and performance of the economy; thus enabling the executive branch to take informed actions and corrective measures in good time. The institution(s) of strategic planning need to have specialized committees or department within it dealing with specific issues and ministries. Its membership should include heads of specialized committees in the legislative assembly, among others.

 South Sudan Economic Council
A multi-disciplinary body with secretariat hosted in the Presidency and works closely with the Council for Strategic Planning and the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, Academia and Civil Society to make informed decisions that affect the economy in the short and medium term.

Financial Allocation, Monitoring and Evaluation Authority
This works closely with Council for Strategic Planning, South Sudan Economic Council, the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, specialized committees in the national legislative assembly, anti-corruption commission, office of auditor general, statistics commission etc. It should report and publish allocations and use of funds at least once or twice a year.

Education Sector Reforms
For start, every state should have a university, a technical and community college, a multi-skill vocational training centre, girls' academy, and agriculture extension training institute. Higher education and general education must be brought under one roof to stop them growing apart. An independent Curriculum Development, Skills Audit, Qualification and Accreditation Authority should be established in addition to the existing Higher Education Council as policy-making body and Education Commission as education research wing. Within the Ministry of Education there should be departments for higher education, general education, early education, community and adult education, vocational education, philanthropic and private education. Government needs to improve salaries to be high enough to attract foreign academics and teachers and agree policy for employing foreign academics and teachers while retaining nationals.

Improving Transparency, Accountability, and Sustainability in Infrastructural Projects
Government should publish white papers and consult with academia, civil society, and affected communities before giving a go ahead to major infrastructural projects. Environmental impact assessment should also be part of project proposal prior to its approval, funding, and execution.

 Empowerment of Women 
The government should eliminate all barriers that hinder women development and effective participation in the governance. Girl's education should be made compulsory or free or subsidized where there are fees. Legal age of marriage should be raised and girl should at least complete secondary education before being legally married. Forced marriages and traditions that oppress women must be combated through law such as girls' circumcision and other culturally damaging practices that harm young women wherever they might be found.
While encouraging competition amongst women in employment, affirmative action should apply at all time at all institutions and levels in both public and private sector. Workplace design should be such that it is made safe and free from fear of harassment for women. Incentives must be provided to encourage women to break into male-dominated industries wherever they exist. And in everything we do, we must consider how it can be made to impact on women most positively.

Labour Laws and Regulation of Employment of Foreign Workers
Apart from employing academics, teachers, doctors and nurses, petroleum engineers, pharmacists, dentists, lab technicians, and rare technical specialisations, any other employment of foreigners should be regarded as loss to the nation that must be recouped by training nationals to take up the jobs held by foreign nationals. Too much dependence on foreign consultants in sensitive positions must also be reviewed and minimized. Foreign businesses investing in South Sudan must be encouraged by special regulation to employ nationals or make plans to replace foreign employees with nationals according to a time plan.

Control of Development and Humanitarian Assistance
Development aid needs to be regulated and controlled by the government through the relevant line ministries. There are at least three reasons for regulating development assistance and humanitarian assistance: to ensure relevance, efficiency, and equity.

Currently, no one can be certain that all the development aid being channelled into South Sudan is what South Sudan needs, that it is delivering acceptable results quantitatively and qualitatively, and that all parts of the South Sudan are receiving their fair share of development assistance. Left unchecked, unregulated development assistance and aid can exacerbate social and economic inequalities amongst social groups and could reinforce pre-conflict causes of war as development partners randomly pick and chose whom to assist or where to pitch their tents while other regions or social groups are left completely dry.

Involvement of South Sudan Diaspora
South Sudan Diaspora with exposure should be allowed to assist in advice and consultancy in all aspects of planning, procurement, and projects execution. This will be better than relying on 'foreign experts' to design solutions for environments of which they scarcely have any knowledge.

 DEVELOPMENT PRIORITIES
South Sudan needs to make development priorities.  Top on the list are the following:

Provision of Health Services
South Sudan should have at least one well equipped and well staff teaching hospital in every state capital in the next 5 years to 10 years. There must be at least one children hospital in each state. Each state hospital must have advanced medical diagnosis equipment such as computerized tomography (CT) and magnetic resonance investigation (MRI) scans, among others. Moreover, South Sudan must establish hospitals specializing in treatment of heart-diseases and diagnosis and treatment of cancers. There must be plans to increase the number of doctors and nurses per 1000 of population to the levels approved by World Health Organisation (WHO) within a reasonable time scale. The government can also enact regulation allowing private sector to contribute to provision of health services.

Railway Connection to East African Coast 
South Sudan needs to conduct serious feasibility studies that would lead to securing funding for construction of a railway line to east African Coast via Kenya or Djibouti. If Nile has been the backbone of Sudan and Egyptian economies, railway from South Sudan to East African coast (not the pipeline) is the lifeline and backbone of South Sudan economy. Apart from environmental benefits, railway line will create jobs for South Sudanese; reduce the cost of imports and exports, integrate South Sudan into East African Community, and can be used to transport oil. Long after oil has been exhausted, the railway will continue to serve South Sudan economy to generations eternal.

Development of Agriculture
South Sudan must come up with a well reasoned strategy to develop its huge agriculture potential. The first phase is to achieve self-sufficiency and later for export to international markets in form of value-added products. To do this, it is not going to be enough to tell small-holder farmers to "work harder" nor rushing to give them farm machinery and improved seeds and then hope for the best! It needs to be complete package that supports the entire agriculture value chain that ranges from provision of lands to soil studies, to giving improved seeds and application of safe fertilisers, to use of biotechnologies for improved yield, to provision of scientific advice and extension services, to transportation, and access to markets and export facilities. Think-tanks and research institutions can help the government develop a good agriculture development strategy.

Electrification and Water Supply Projects
Availability of cheap and affordable electricity can be a great boost to economy. And without availability of abundant cheap electricity supply, no nation can realistically pursue industrialization. Thus, South Sudan needs to come up with strategies and plans for electrification of cities and country-side using a mix of hydroelectric, fossil fuel, and green energy sources such as biomass, solar, and wind. The plan should aim to provide electricity to at least 80 percent of population in the next 10 to 15 years. Furthermore, along with electrification programmes is provision of safe drinking water for the 10 million South Sudanese population. Electrification and provision of drinking water are candidates for foreign direct investment (FDI) as well as public private partnerships (PPP).

Development of Telecommunications Industry
Availability of telecommunication services and cheap but fasts internet connectivity can reduce the cost of doing business in a country and attract foreign direct investment (FDI).

South Sudan can do well by developing its ICT and telecommunication infrastructure by connecting to East Africa optical submarine cable. The country also needs to set up its own national telecommunication company.

Housing
Quality of housing is a significant factor in quality of life and life expectancy. The government should work out a strategy for provision of affordable housing to the population. Again, housing is a candidate for foreign direct investment (FDI) and public private partnership (PPP). Because of poor provision of housing in the capital city Juba, huge sums from public coffers have been spent on the hotel accommodation of government officials in Juba in the last 7 years.

Support to Small Firms and Medium-Sized Enterprises (SMEs)
"Small businesses are the very embodiment of a free society - the mechanism by which the individuals can turn his leadership and talents to the benefit of both himself and the nation. The freer the society, the more small businesses there will be. And the more small business there are, the freer and more enterprising that society is bound to be" – this was Margaret Thatcher, for Prime Minister of Great Britain speaking on importance of small businesses.

SMEs tend to be privately owned businesses that employ between 0 and 250 people. They are normally independently managed by the owner (or the entrepreneur), unlike large publicly quoted companies with more than 250 employees, and run by management boards on behalf of the owners (the shareholders). In European Union alone, small firms account for nearly 98% of 25 million registered businesses, employ 66% of the total work force, generating 60% of turnover (income), and contributing about 90% of all exports income from the Euro Zone. Frequently, small firms struggle with cash flow problems at the start. This is because of their high-risk nature that does not encourage the banks to lend money to them before their profitability is proven.

Recognising the role that SMEs play in an economy in terms of jobs creation, contribution to corporation tax, and the export income generation (which can lead to improvement in the balance of payment), South Sudan needs to devise means and ways to support SME's specially at startup-phase where entrepreneurs struggle with cash-flows and lack of banks' credit. It also needs to establish institutions offering micro-credit.

 CONCLUSIONS
This article is far from comprehensive and much remains to be said about the proposed Marshal Plan for South Sudan including empowerment of young people and provision of more services for pre-school age children. Thus tremendous gaps remain to be filled through discussion and further research and analysis. A South Sudan Development Conference may be a first step to kick-start the debate. What the article does, however, is to wet our appetite and  expose the kind of thinking we should be engaged in; while embarking on the next phase of our socioeconomic development.

It is also worth pointing out that South Sudan is not applying for foreign aid as many are led to think, but we will be asking for loans and financial assistance to solve specific development problems that are identified by South Sudan, as opposed to donor-identified problems and donor-prescribed solutions that hardly satisfy our development needs. A thousand steps begin with that first step. So let us stop arguing, get away from sloganeering, roll up our sleeves, and get stuck in. We want to figure out our path to development, peace, and prosperity and need not be told by the International NGOs (INGOS) or friendly governments what we should have or should not have.

Our development challenges are clear, and the path to peace and prosperity is plain; why not walk in it? The opportunities have never been so great, why not grab them?

Starting with ourselves let's see who among our friends would want to be counted count in, and who would prefer to be counted out?


Useful Reading for those interested on impact of aid on development of receiving countries
Mary B. Anderson, Dyana Brown, and Isabela Jean (2012). Time to Listen: Hearing People on the Receiving End of International Aid, Publication of CDA Collaborative Learning Project, Cambridge, MA, USA.

A Call for a Marshall Plan for South Sudan (Part 1 of 2)

By John A. Akec

"There is no shortage of funding in the world, only shortage of fund-able plans"- Author's personal conviction

Background Introduction

South Sudan obtained its independence from Sudan in July 2011, six months after voting overwhelmingly to secede from the country in a referendum conducted on 9^th January 2011.

The baseline on which the government of the independent South Sudan had launched its developmental effort was grim, even by African standards. With a population of 8.26 million, as per World Bank's December 2010 census, about 90 percent lived on less than one dollar per day and 33 percent were classified as chronically hungry. Only six percent had access to improved sanitation, 85 percent of adults were recorded illiterate, and there was only one teacher for every 1,000 students. Moreover, one in six mothers dies during childbirth, and 135 out of 1,000 children die before the age of five.

The region’s infrastructure—roads, bridges, and electricity—is poor or non-existent. Other sectors of the economy, such as agriculture, are under-developed. Landlocked and with no productive industries of its own, South Sudan imported everything from Sudan, Kenya, and Uganda, while exporting nothing in return.

To fund development effort, South Sudan relied heavily on oil revenues which formed 98 percent of the government of income from the sale of the crude in international markets. Unfortunately, barely six months into independence, the government's oil revenues dried up, following the shut-down of oil production in January 2012, a consequence of a dispute with Sudan over the level of transit fees.

A World Bank brief about the possible adverse impacts of oil shut-down on South Sudan's economy in June 2012, predicted a jump in the number of people living under poverty line (or those spending less than USD 1.2 per day) from 51 percent in 2012 to 83 percent in 2013; infant mortality rates for under 5s to double from 10 percent in 2012 to 20 percent in 2013; school enrolment was predicted to drop from 50 percent in 2012 to 20 percent in 2013 (the level it was some eight years ago). With continuing disagreement over outstanding issues with Sudan, and with no sources to fund development effort, the future of the nascent country looks unsettling.

Most recently, the United Nations added South Sudan to the list of the world's poorest 46 countries.

The Challenge of Triple Traps

Mirroring the diagnosis provided by economist Paul Collier in his book, the Bottom Billion (Collier, 2007), South Sudan appears to be suffering from at least three structural ailments or traps: abundant natural resource trap (resource curse); a land-locked nation with bad and  powerful neighbours (Sudan); and being a relatively new and small country facing governance challenges, as reflected by 7-year long liaises-fair rule by Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) that is still carrying on unabated.

And as one South Sudanese academic commented (Blackings, 2012), the SPLM nationalist leaders [like other Africa anti-colonial leaders before them] were clearer on what they wanted to end, than on what they wanted to put in place to replace it (quoting Ajayi, 1982).  

What's more, hopes were raised that the signing of Addis Ababa Agreement between South Sudan and Sudan on 27 September 2012 would resolve outstanding issues between the two countries, remove the ghost of a renewed war, prevent the collapse of the economies of two Sudans, and allow South Sudan to focus on affecting a resemblance of socio-economic development for its citizens. But regrettably, nothing of this sort is forthcoming as the government of Sudan began to attach an ever increasing list of impossible preconditions before it would allow South Sudan oil to flow through its territory.

It is worth pointing out that one of the most serious obstacles to normalizing relationships between South Sudan and Sudan is the continuing accusation by Sudan that the former provides moral, material, and logistical support to Sudan's armed dissidents, precisely the SPLM-North which is waging war in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and Revolutionary Front fighting in Darfur, despite denial by South Sudan. And rather than pressurizing the government of Sudan to negotiate peace with SPLM-North, the international community persistently pressurizes South Sudan to normalize relationship with Sudan, a great irony of our time.

No Good Crying Over Spilt Milk

And even if oil money were to flow again into South Sudan's government coffers, and without well reasoned economic vision backed by commitment and credible action plans, many analysts expect that it is going to be business as usual in Juba, with hundreds of millions of petro-dollars coming in every month, and with no impact whatsoever on provision of badly needed services such as health, education, and critical infrastructure development; or possible diversification of the oil dominated economy.  

That said, enough criticism has been labelled against South Sudan ruling party, SPLM. And if criticism would kill anything, SPLM would have long been dead, as once noted by Ambassador Sabit Alley currently South Sudan ambassador to UK, in defence of SPLM, many years ago on an internet discussion forum. It would therefore be more instructive for South Sudanese (be they in the government or outside the government) to brainstorm in order to come up with ideas that would help the nation find its path out of current stagnation and despair into a bright and prosperous future. Some indigenous think-tanks as well as individuals using social media are already debating this issue, but more of such a debate is needed.

The author believes this article is a small contribution towards this debate, hopes that it is going to stimulate further discussion, and in due time, leads to crystallization of a shared vision which we could all embrace and execute with determination, honesty, and commitment.

While embarking on this debate, we must keep an open mind. We should also forget about what is generally perceived as mediocre failure of our government. We have come a long way since our ancestors rebelled in Torit in August 1955 and we should be proud of what has already been achieved, realizing that in any worthwhile project, failure is part of the game.

And yet, as the saying goes, failure is not so much about falling down, but rather it is more about failing to rise up again. And for us in South Sudan, rising up against all forces of gravity is not an option, but national duty. So rise we must.

A Marshall Plan for South Sudan

For those unfamiliar with the term, it was at the end of World War II that the government of United States came out with a plan that extended credit and financial assistance to many European countries to accelerate the revival of their war-ravaged economies. The plan's official name was European Recovery Program (ERP), but became historically more popular as the Marshall Plan after the US Secretary of State George Marshall, who revealed the plan for the first time in a speech he delivered to graduate students at Harvard University on 5^th June 1947. The essence of the Marshall's speech was captured in the following lines, and I quote (Marshall Plan, Wikipedia):

 "The modern system of the division of labor upon which the exchange of products is based is in danger of breaking down…It is logical that the United States should do whatever it is able to do to assist in the return of normal economic health to the world, without which there can be no political stability and no assured peace…[the Plan] purpose should be the revival of a working economy in the world so as to permit the emergence of political and social conditions in which free institutions can exist." Unquote.

Looking back to over half a century when this speech was made and the Plan subsequently launched (1948-1952), one cannot help but admire how far-sighted and ahead of its time the Marshall Plan was, and that the leaders of United States who conceived the Plan had already realised the economic and political interdependence of the countries of the world, now christened as Globalization.

Given the leading role the United States, Norway, and Britain had played in the birth of South Sudan as world's newest nation, it is morally right that these countries and many others with good will and self-interest extend such assistance to South Sudan, irrespective of whether or not oil export resumes sooner or later. No conditionalities should be attached to granting favourable credit terms or extending financial assistance save that the plans which would be prepared and presented by South Sudan for funding be credible, realistic, and well designed. Otherwise, the goals for a Marshall Plan for South Sudanare are in essence not much different from those that inspired the original Marshall Plan – the advancement of world's political stability and peace.

The experience of Multi-donor Trust Fund in South Sudan has left much to be desired. Therefore, this time around, the proposed Marshall Plan for South Sudan should put the government and people of South Sudan in the driving seat (foreign consultants, need not apply, must be its good-faith empowering philosophy!).

Priorities should be made and programs designed by the government of South Sudan with participation and consultation of wide sector of South Sudan society including South Sudan Diaspora. Funding would be composed of a combination of grants and loans from Marshall Plan Fund, negotiated and supported by the Obama Administration in partnership with Norway, Great Britain, Germany, France, Japan, Canada, Australia, Denmark, China, amongst others. The Plan should last 10 years from the date of its launch.

The South Sudan Marshall Plan's strategic goals should be to enhance South Sudan's social, economic, and natural capitals. The Plan would do so by aiming to enhance social justice and improve the quality of life for great lot of society, achieve economic growth that would raise living standards, and sustain global and regional environmental quality (Elkington, 1989; Maathai, 2009).

Exact details of the programs could be worked out and it suffices to say that the programs should include among others the promotion of trade and long-term economic integration of South Sudan into East African Community (Beny, 2012), provision of sufficient education and health services; provision of clean drinking water; achieving food security; implementation of electrification program for towns and country-side; building of communications and ICT infrastructure; development of country-side; building of efficient transport infrastructure that links South Sudan states and links South Sudan to the East African coast by  high-speed railway line to Djibouti or Kenya (Reeves, 2012); funding of socio-economic research, and transfer of science and technology; building value-added industries; increasing non-oil exports; harnessing the country's tourism potential; promotion of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). This list is not all-inclusive.

Making it Work this Time!

In order to succeed, institutional reforms would be necessary. Laws and regulations would have to be enacted in order to create an enabling environment for opening new business and attracting foreign direct investment. South Sudanese must be trained to acquire employable skills through the widening opportunities in higher education, technical vocational and second chance programmes. Women and girls must be empowered through education and elimination of cultures that oppress them in order to achieve women's potential and garner their effective contribution to the well being of South Sudanese society. My next article will shed more light on some of these proposals.

Before ending the article, I must borrow a powerful phrase from British Liberal Party's pamphlet that was published at the end of 1929 (Clarke, 2009) and apply it in the context of our nation:

SPLM has successfully mobilized its people for war. It MUST now mobilize South Sudanese people for peace and prosperity.

Finally, President Salva, once again our pleas that you lead the marsh to the promised land... Our support and our sweat guaranteed.

Recommended Readings that inspired and lend support to many ideas in this article:

Ajayi, Ade (1982). Expectations of Independence. Daedalus. Quoted in Blackings, Mari John (2012), South Sudan, One Year On: From World's Newest State, to Another African Story, Paper presented at Sudanese Programme Conference, St. Antony's College University of Oxford. June 23, 2012.

Beny, Laura Nyantung, and Matthew Synder (2012). South Sudan and East African Community, Pros and Cons and Strategic Considerations, Report, University of Michigan Law School.

Blackings, Mari John (2012). South Sudan, One Year On: From World's Newest State, to Another African Story, Paper presented at Sudanese Programme Conference, St. Antony's College University of Oxford. June 23, 2012.

Clarke, Peter (2009). Keynes: The Rise, Fall, and Return of the 20^th Century's Most Influential Economist, Bloomsbury Press. New York. 

Elkington, John (1989). Cannibals and Forks, referenced in Richard C. Dorf (2001), Technology, Humans, and Society: Towards a Sustainable World, Academic Press, Sandiego, CA.

Collier, Paul (2007). The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be Done About IT, Oxford University Press.

Maathai, Wangari (2009). The Challenge for Africa. Arrow Books, London.

Marshall Plan. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marshall_Plan.

Reeves, Eric (2012). Oil Transport from South Sudan to Kenyan Coast, an Alternative to Oil Pipeline (http://www.sudanreeves.org/2012/02/24/oil-transport-from-south-sudan-to-the-kenyan-coast-an-alternative-to-the-oil-pipeline-proposal-that-would-promote-immediate-employment-national-unity-and-long-term-economic-growth/) 

Africa Education Leadership Awards 2012: No Higher Honour

By John A. Akec

Author (middle) Receiving award from Dr. Kaylash Allgoo, Director Mauritius Qualifications Authority (Left), and Hon. Mrs  PolononiVenson Moitoi, Minister of Education, Botswana (Right)

I was delightfully shocked and elevated to receive an invitation recently to attend Africa-India Partnership Summit that was scheduled to take place in Le Meridien lle, Mauritius, on 12 December 2012. The invitation also pointed out that I was going to be honoured with Africa Education Leadership Award for 2012 during the summit. All happened as planned. I travelled to Mauritius and participated in that Summit accordingly, and received the Africa Education Award for 2012 for "Outstanding Contribution to Education", it says in the invitation letter.

The Africa Education Leadership Awards is an annual event that takes place in Mauritius and are organised and presented by World CSR Day, in partnership with CMO Asia, and Stars of Industry Group, among others; all of which are not-for-profit bodies active in promoting good governance, business excellence, leadership, sustainability, innovation, and corporate responsibility both regionally and globally.

The Awards which comprised of a trophy and citation "are of the highest stature and are presented to Individuals and Institutions who have surpassed several levels of its excellence and set an example of being a role model and Exemplary Leadership. And also to Individuals behind the Institution who are building their Institutions through Leadership, Innovation, Academic and Industry Interface and a supreme objective of Building future leaders", according to presenters of the Africa Education Leadership Awards.

Most important for me, this Award is an endorsement of the vision I have been trying to sell through advocacy work; namely the need for South Sudan to turn its back on outmoded colonial elitist type of higher education that favours few bright students, and move towards mass higher education that provides ample opportunity for most to study at post secondary level. This is because the increasingly knowledge-based economies of twenty first century demand large educated and skilled workforce for any country to compete in the global marketplace, especially in area of science and technology. Not only did I advocate for it, but have presented policy change recommendations, most of which are yet to find acceptance by the education establishments in my country. The Award is therefore a boost for my morale to persevere and stay the course until this vision comes to full fruition.

Africa Meets Asia in Mauritius to Share Views on "Leadership for Future"

The Africa India Partnership Summit that coincided with Africa Leadership Awards and Africa Education Leadership Awards 2012 explored the potential and avenues for Africa India cooperation and exchanged  views on questions related to leadership for the future- with a particular focus on two main themes that were the subjects of panel discussions: "Building Future Leaders – Perspectives," and "Building Strategic Thinking for the Future."

Dr Bhatia, Founder, World CSR Day opens Africa-India Partnership Summit  in Le Meridien Ile, Mauritius

A View from Le Meridien Ile Maurice: I could not afford to book a room here but lived 20 minutes away by taxi 

Keynote Speeches

The Summit and Leadership Awards were well attended with keynote speeches on the above themes by Dr. R.L. Bhatia, Founder of World CSR Day; Mrs. Pelononi Moitoi, Minister of Education, Botswana; Mr. Ronald Dubois, Senior Advisor, Ministry of Finance and Economic Development, Mauritius; Mrs. Sheery Ayittey, Minister of Environment, Science and Technology, Ghana; Mr. Walter Mzembi, Minister of Tourism and Hospitality, Zimbabwe; and Mr. Sarat Dutt Lallah, CEO, Mauritius Telecom.

Keynote speakers from left to right: Mrs Poloni Moitoi, Mr. Ronald Dubois, Mrs Sheery Ayittey, Mr. Walter Mzembi, Mr Sarat Dutt Lallah, and Dr.R.L. Bhatia (at the back)

Presenting his perspective on the theme of building leadership for the future, Dr. Bhatia the founder of World CSR Day and Indian national, maintained that a leader is someone with whom you can go where you cannot go alone, that leaders grow other leaders, and that leaders show during the time of great crisis. Finally, he said, good leaders create great nations.

 Mrs. Moitoi, Minister of Education, Botswana, on the other hand, stressed that leaders are not grown in the classroom but are born with talents and instinct for leadership. She shared how Botswana works tirelessly for the betterment of lives of the populace. She also encouraged more Africa India partnership.

Mr. Roland Dubois, Senior Economic Advisor to government of Mauritius pointed out how his country, which is devoid of natural resources such as oil and diamonds, has invested in its people as the resource for wealth creation through education and training, pointing out the strategic location of his country as the meeting point between Africa and Asia.

Mrs. Ayittey, Minister of Environment, Science and Technology, Ghana stressed the fact that leaders can grow other leaders by being role models to whom the young can look up to in society; that leaders should put people and their interests of first, not their own; and to always strive to bring everyone on board.

Mr. Lallah, CEO, Mauritius Telecom, explained how two decades ago, as Mauritius Minister of IT and Telecommunications then, he encouraged his government to invest in fiber optic cables that connected Mauritius to Red Sea, South Africa, and Malagasy respectively and hence to the rest of the world. He pointed out how his country is now ripping great benefits because of its easy and fast connectivity to the world via multiple sub-marine cables. He underscored the necessity for leaders of our countries to look deep into distant future and recognize the awaiting opportunities while making investment decisions now rather than later.

At the end of keynote speeches that were followed immediately by presenting the speakers with Africa Leadership Awards, Prof. Elsaadani Muhamed, Vice President, Misr University of Science and Technology, Egypt, announced that his University will host Africa Education Leadership Awards for 2013 and invited all to attend.   

Panel Discussion on "Building Future Leaders – Perspective"

On the panel entitled "Building Future Leaders – Perspective" were Thebe Ikalafeng, Founder and CEO, The Brand Leadership Group; Vidia Mooneegan, Senior Vice President, Ceridian Global Workforce Strategy; Dr. Primrose Kursha, Vice Chancellor, Zimbabwe Open University; and Dr. Lazarus Hangula, Vice Chancellor, University of Namibia.

In her perspective, Dr. Primrose, Vice Chancellor, Open University of Zimbabwe emphasized the role that education plays in shaping future leaders. Leaders should listen and listen when making consultation which should impact premade decisions, she stressed; pointing out how vitally important for leaders to also roll up their sleeves and work at operational levels as opposed to confining themselves to strategic level where it is so easy to get out of touch with reality on the ground.

Dr. Gangula, Vice Chancellor, University of Namibia described the strategies his country used to jump start education after independence. He underscored the necessity to hire foreign expertise in higher education institutions to close the gap in national human resource.  

Panel Discussion on "Building Strategic Thinking for the Future"

This author participated on this panel. Other panelists included Prof. Nyeko Pen-Mogi , Vice Chancellor, University of Gulu, Uganda; Dr. Samuel Donkor, President and Founder, All Nations University College, Ghana; Dr. Sandip Jha, Chairman, Sandip Foundation, India.

Panellists from left to right: Dr. Kaylash Allgoo, moderator; Prof. Nyeko Pen-Mogi; Dr. Samuel Donkor, Dr. Sandip Jha; and this Author

Prof. Pen-Mogi pointed out how the idea of a vision for future has been found wanting in most of Africa. He gave examples of poor town planning approaches that in the end cost so much money to correct such as allocating residential areas in swamps regions of his country; only for the government to end up borrowing large sums of money from World Bank and IMF to construct flood water drainage systems for such residents, instead of anticipating the risks ahead of planning and finding remedies. He also lamented how easy it is for national parliaments in Africa to endorse many plans just because they were brought up by the presidents, and not for their own merits. Other panellists also presented worthy perspectives that space would not allow to cover in this article.

My Perspective on Building Strategic Thinking for the Future

Author giving his perspective on strategic thinking for the future

Giving my perspective on the theme of building strategic thinking for the future, I saw a need for Africa to have a mindset that can "plant a tree" as I reminded my listeners how the British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher commented on the famous statement by John Maynard Keynes, the twentieth century British iconic economist, when he argued in his time with free market fundamentalists that: "in the long run, we will all be dead." Later on, when Keynes has been long dead, Mrs. Thatcher told a Conservative Party conference in 1980s: "Anyone who thinks like that [Keynes] cannot plant a tree."

While Margaret Thatcher deliberately quoted Keynes out of context as a putdown on economic Keynesianism, she makes a point of necessity of having a mindset that is ready to invest in distant future and rip the benefits later. As Africa plans for the future, I pointed out, there is a need for the leaders of our continent to get out of the 'here and now mentality' and look further beyond quick rewards or short-term interests.

Hence, I urged for the need to discard the narrow elitist based higher education model that benefits privileged few, and move to broader based mass higher education model that is socially just and in tune with the demand of twenty first century. Our education systems, as I see it, should emphasize the mastery of generic skills particularly languages (such as English), numeracy, ICT, and communications and team work skills over narrow-based specialist skills at undergraduate level.  This is because the future generations will be frequently changing jobs and professions several times in their lifetime; thus, demanding constant deskilling, and re-skilling to keep pace with changing needs of the job market. 

We should also empower women so that they can contribute more effectively to global well being, I demanded.

Furthermore, education institutions should encourage extra curricula activities outside the lecture hall and the library to develop talents that can be of great benefit in later professional life; and teach entrepreneurship to young so that they can create their own jobs, and be sensitized about the need to protect environment and responsible use of dwindling earth resources.

I also urged governments to avail more funds to teaching of science and technology subjects and for private sector to a play pole in higher education. Last but not the least, we should strive to increase South-South cooperation in areas of technology transfer, health, education, and infrastructure development; and devise  platforms and mechanisms for sharing experiences on best practice.

Now for Digression: My Conversations with Niccolo' Machiavelli on the Island of Ile Aux Cerf, Mauritius

Grand Bay a view into the ocean, 10 minutes walk from my hotel

Mauritius is a beautiful island nation located in the Indian Ocean, off East Africa coast. It has a population of 1.2 million and total GDP of USD 12 billion (purchasing power parity, PPP) and GDP per capita of USD 10,000 (PPP). Its economy is mainly service-based (61 percent of GDP) with tourism making a significant contribution to economy. Industry contributes 29 percent and agriculture 10 percent to the GDP. The country's literacy rate averages 83 percent and with just 10 percent of population living below poverty line. Mauritius capital is Port Louis.

Tourism is a big thing in Mauritius with a Beach Authority to manage their beaches

Fed up staying inside: I am off to Ile Aux Cerf Island

At Waterfalls: Somebody got paid by taking me around and taking my photo. Very smart indeed. Relaxed but jealous of clever Mauritians. Not really!

I was on the maritime nation for 4 days (11 to 15 December 2012). A day before my departure, I went on a boat day tour of the beautiful Ile Aux Cerf Island in the South East cost of Mauritius, 45 minute drive from Grand Bay in North East Mauritius where I stayed. The tour package did not exceed USD 30 (800 Ruppees), and included boat trip to the island, visit to a waterfall on speed boat, lunch with fish and chicken barbecue and bottomless assortment of drinks. This would hardly be enough for a decent lunch at your average hotel in Juba, yet it was more than enough for the whole day entertainment in Mauritius. One big lesson learned.

Enjoying The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli: It is vital that our Ministry of Culture encourage reading by everyone - not just children but also adults by building public libraries every where to improve access to books

Got an eye for details? This is it. Every need catered for. Very thoughtful.

Finally Meet Niccolo Machiavelli!

Portriat of Machavelli, by Santi di Tito (Source: Wikipedia) 

After touring the island and had lunch, I killed the rest of the time waiting for my boat to take me back to mainland by reading George Bull's excellent translation of The Prince by Niccolo' Machiavelli:

"First it is to be noted that whereas other princes [read presidents and prime ministers] have to content only with the ambition of the nobles [read politicians, ministers, MPs, academics and civil society, italic my addition]and the insolence of the people, the Roman emperors encountered a third difficulty: they had to content with cruelty and avarice of the soldiers... This was a hard task and it was responsible for the downfall of many [ouch!, my exclamation], since it was difficult to satisfy both the soldiers and the populace…," (page 107). This is a difficult one, but sorry, Machiavelli, I could not possibly comment. I told myself.

Then, continues Machiavelli: "a prince should also show his esteem for talent, actively encouraging able men [and women, my italic], and honouring those who excel in their profession. Then must encourage his citizens so that they can go peacefully about their business…the prince should be ready to reward men [and women] who do those things and those who endeavour in any way to increase prosperity of their city or their state…" Unquote (page 123). Well said, Machiavelli, I thought. Enough advise for today. I will take this last one home to my country, South Sudan. Thank you.

Time passed quickly, and I was soon on my boat to the shores of Mauritius and on the van to hotel in Grand Bay. The following morning I was happily on Air Mauritius to Nairobi on my way home… encouraged, refreshed, and with lots of ideas for the betterment of my country.

Finally, I give my deepest and ineffable gratitude to World CSR Day and its partner organisations for the good they are doing for our world and Africa; and to fellow panelists at the Africa India Partnership Summit for sharing their thoughts on the vital theme of leadership.

Also, I would like to extend my best wishes for a Very Merry Christmas and a Happy New to all and everyone who has taken trouble to read my marathon blog article.

I entrust you all in the hands and loving care of the Almighty until we meet again in 2013.  

Addis-Ababa Agreement between two Sudans is bony fish worth chewing

By John A. Akec

Personal circumstances did not allow me to comment on the September 27^th 2012 agreement between South Sudan and Sudan in the Ethiopian Capital, Addis-Ababa.  That now the agreement is facing some tremendous challenges to implementation, especially with new "conditionalitie"s and interpretation being introduced by the government of Sudan; it is opportune time to revisit the agreement in order to re-examine its utility.

It is not the first time that South Sudan reaches an agreement with North Sudan in Ethiopia. In March 1972, a peace deal that was brokered by Emperor Haile Sellassie, in partnership with the Organisation of African Unity (AOU), and the World Council of Churches brought to an end a 17-year war that was waged by South Sudan Liberation Movement (popularly known as Anya Nya) against the central government in Khartoum.  The Addis-Ababa agreement of 1972 gave the South an autonomous government and brought relative peace to the region that lasted for 10 years until 1983 when the hostilities resumed.

However, this last agreement is of a different sort. If implemented successfully, it would be a door to creating mutually beneficial relationships in the short and medium term, and even long term between two entities with long history of conflict, mistrust, broken-promises, and mutual prejudice behind them. Like any broken marriage, sorting and dividing the properties of the old house can be messy, painful, time-consuming, and stressful. It demands patience and wisdom from leaders and governments of the two countries concerned.

Therefore, to imply that the nine protocols of Addis-Ababa Agreement could be executed at single whoop is too optimistic an assumption and far removed from hard realities of life. The painful, and eventually, the partial implementation of Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement is a testimony to this fact. Like any agreement, some protocols are critical and others important in determining the success or failure of an agreement.

Thus, the partners to the agreement can do well in first pursuing the implementation of the most straight forward protocols while continue to work out the modalities for the implementation of the more thorny and protocols that are subject to different interpretations by the signing parties like Abyei, border demarcation, formation of demilitarized zone, and mutual accusations of harbouring or supporting the opposition and political dissidents from the other country.  

This is because, like it or not, neither government of South Sudan nor that of Sudan can control what happens in Blue Nile, South Kordofan, and Darfur.  Only political and negotiated settlement within countries concerned can restore true peace in those areas as opposed to purely military solutions as the government of Sudan would have the world believe. 

Furthermore more, the idea of a peaceful demilitarized zone between the South and North Sudan in area where  armed dissidents hold sway is not a few-day affair to clean it up, but would take years of protracted political and socio-economic efforts to combat. And in those situations, it is always illusive to bring hard evidence as to who is supporting who in such lawless zones.

It is therefore a serious strategic and diplomatic error for the government of Sudan to continue to block the resumption of export of South Sudan's oil through its territory as well as hindering border trade and economic cooperation between the two countries on the grounds of the alleged support of South Sudan to SPLM-North.

While the Juba government had earlier committed similar error of judgement when it decided to suddenly shut down oil production in January 2012, the revenue of which formed 98 percent of its income, it has since corrected its earlier unattractive offer by making substantial concession to Sudan that would amount to payment of an estimated (combined) USD 25 per barrel of crude in transit fees and direct money to be transferred to government of Sudan in the next three years. This was many orders of magnitude higher than the initial offering of 69 cents per barrel.

What's  more, the resumption of oil production would allow the two countries to revive their battered economies (mostly the result of loss of oil revenue from their budgets) and ease economic pressures the two governments are currently facing at home-front. Border trade, and 4 freedoms also lend themselves to easy implementation, with potentially positive impacts on the relations between the two countries to follow suite.

It will also gives clear thinking to the leaderships of the two countries while they strive to use diplomatic means to sort out the problems of Abyei, border demarcation, and demilitarized zone; and address issues related to dissidents from each other's country using the most appropriate tools that will justly address the underlying causes, and not mere symptoms.

It is also worth mention that it is not very accurate continuing to draw moral equivalence between what is happening in South Kordofan, Blue Nile, and Darfur with the activities of tribal militants in South Sudan. They do not weigh on the same scale. This is because problems in Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile are as serious as those which were posed by South North war. The same could not be said about militia activities in South Sudan.

What is crucial to bringing lasting peace in South Kordofan, Blue Nile, and Darfur is a radical shift in government of Sudan's view point, which at the moment, looks at these matters through a security prism. Instead, they require revitalization of Doha Agreement with Darfur groups and re-adoption of Nafi/Agar framework agreement of 28^th July 2011 which was turned down by the National Congress Party leadership. And all this is going to take time to bear fruits.

Failing that, we do not need to dig too far into the past history that dissidents with a cause will continue to disturb peace in their mother countries no matter what the neighbouring countries try to do, and no amount of diplomatic or military efforts can contain them. For example, the expulsion of Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) from Ethiopia in 1991 did not end its struggle. Palestinians were expelled from Jordan and Lebanon many times in 1970s and 80s and it did not end their struggle. The closing of Chadian borders in the face of Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) did not bring stability to North and Eastern Darfu. With one of the best armies in the world neither the Republic of Ireland nor government of Great Britain could stop IRA dissidents to smuggle weapons into mainland Britain, and so on and so forth.

Stopping of oil export, therefore, will do nothing to restore stability in these areas of Sudan. But quite the contrary, it would now give license to South Sudan to collaborate with these elements to liberate Abyei and other border areas occupied by Sudan.

And quite understandably, the Sudanese authorities are adamant about the disarming of its political dissidents in its conflict areas (which it claims are supported by South Sudan) as a prerequisite to resumption of oil export through its territory, fearing the fate of Soviet Union or former Yugoslavia could befall their country. This again, stopping or allowing the flow of oil will have zero effect in changing the course of events. Only the Sudanese themselves on both sides of the conflict hold the key as to whether such further break up of their country could be arrested; made as bloodless and painless as happened in Soviet Union; or allowed to becomes as bloody and painful as happened in former Yugoslavia.
  

If this later scenario comes to predominate the scene, South Sudan will in the meantime be challenged to stay homogeneous and harmonious in the face of rising economic difficulties and deteriorating security situation in and around its national capital, Juba.

Otherwise, Addis-Ababa Agreement is a bony fish that is worth chewing, while the thorny issues continue to be sorted and filtered out in the most diplomatic and amicable manner. This will lay a solid foundation for sisterly coexistence between two Sudans. 

This is the best and most desirable scenario. However, the way I see it, the ball is more or less in Sudan's government court.  

Can South Sudan Grow New Universities without New Vice Chancellors?

By John A. Akec

UNBEG Vice Chancellor (John Akec, right) honours the Deputy Minister of Higher Education, Hon. Gabriel Kuc Abyei at new Admin Building in Aweil, March 15th 2012

Project Universities without Vice Chancellors and No Funding

Dr Peter Adwok Nyaba, the Minister of Higher Education, Research, Science and Technology; joined by a growing chorus of academic colleagues, believe they can build new universities without necessarily appointing new vice chancellors and without committing new resources to erect the new campuses. The trouble with such a proposal is that they (the proponents) have not articulated to the public and the rest of us, how such a vision, if we might call it one, can be made to materialize on the ground.

Lest I may be accused of putting the words into the mouth of the minister of Higher Education, it would be instructive for me to first provide the readers with the background as where the idea of establishing new universities without vice chancellors had originated from; and how it came to gain credence in some academic circles as a viable solution to meeting the increasing demand for tertiary education in our country.

It was in early 2010 when Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba, then minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research in Sudan government of Nationality Unity in Khartoum, presented five  bills to Sudan National Legislative Assembly to create five new universities in South Sudan: University of Northern Bhar El Ghazal (Aweil), University of Western Equatoria (Yambio), Torit University of Science and Technology (Torit), University of Bantiu (Bantiu), and Dr. John Garang Memorial University of Science and Technology (Bor). The move was in line with the government of Sudan policy of creating at least one public university in each of Sudan's 30 states. Unlike its counterparts, Dr. John Garang University of Science and Technology had already 200 students on its campus and the bill was merely to transform it from a private community-led institution of higher education into publicly owned and funded university.

The passing of the university bills into law was followed by the appointment of vice chancellors for three of the universities above: University of Northern Bahr El Ghazal, University of Western Equatoria, and Torit University of Science and Technology. The practice then was for the Minister of Higher Education to nominate vice chancellors, and the president of the republic to appoint them by a decree. University of Bantiu never had a vice chancellor appointed.

How New Universities thrived in Post-Independence South Sudan?

By the time South Sudan gained its independence in July 2011, the three brand new universities were celebrating their first anniversary, and naturally, they were at different stages of development and progress. As for University of Northern Bahr El Ghazal (www.unbeg.ed.sd), the University had acquired two sites in and outside Aweil town, had fully furnished administration offices in Khartoum and Aweil; had 32 academic and support staff (including a principal, academic secretary, deans of four proposed colleges, among others); acquired a number of assets such computing equipment, vehicles, and books; had a website and an entry in the Wikipedia; passed and submitted for accreditation academic programmes (curricula) for four proposed colleges, and drafted its academic regulations.

However, three months into South Sudan's independence, and precisely in October 2011, the administrations of three new universities (UNBEG, Torit, and Western Equatoria) received an order from the Ministry of Higher Education that they were requested to down-size from whatever number of staff they had under Sudan government to a number not exceeding 10 in order to "be run as university projects."

According to that letter, vice chancellors were to be the project team leaders, the principals to be the project administrators, in addition to an accountant, a driver, a store keeper, two security guards, and three labourers. The vice chancellors of the new universities were never consulted nor were the terms of reference for running the new university projects defined.

Those of us who wrote to the Minister of Higher Education to protest such a high-handed approach to supervising universities never received any reply to this day. As a result of that ministerial order, University of Northern Bahr El Ghazal had its core staff reduced from 32 to 13; University of Torit had its staff rise from 1(vice chancellor) to 17; the University of Western Equatoria staff rose from 1 (the vice chancellor) to 14. The process of determining the number of staff each university should have was never transparent, explained, or followed their earlier guideline prescribed by the ministerial letter.

Now the reader must be wondering how University of Northern Bahr El Ghazal managed to recruit 32 staff under Sudan government while the two other universities had only the vice chancellors each. The answer is that the Vice Chancellors of Torit and Western Equatoria universities' were equally offered the opportunity to recruit 32 core staff as Northern Bhar El Ghazal but never took the opportunity. However, I have no explanation as to how the University of Northern Bahr El Ghazal ended up in the bottom in terms of number of staff.

Further Moves to strangle new universities

As if above move was not enough to paralyze the new universities, the Minister decided to decapitate them. He made statement in the parliament that the new universities will be downgraded to "be projects to be executed in future." To sway the public opinion to his side, the Minister began to launch a scathing attack on new universities calling them "Inqaz Universities", "Election Universities", and "Road-side declarations by President Bahsir to make unity attractive." He turned down many invitations by the Vice Chancellor of University of Northern Bahr El Ghazal to attend occasions organised by the University that included an occasion to open a newly renovated administration building and inaugurate the launch of short courses in English and ICT in March 2012, which was attended by the President of the Republic, Salva Kiir Mayardit. Asked why the Minister declined the invitations, he replied that that this would amount to "recognition" of the University of Northern Bahr El Ghazal.

When a new National Council for Higher Education for South Sudan was formed in May 2012, the Minister excluded the vice chancellors of new universities from its membership.

In recent reading of the budget of higher education in the National Legislative Assembly, the Minister of Higher Education opposed proposals to make budgetary allocations to new universities apart from core staff salaries.

He made no secret about his intention to recommend to the President of the Republic to relief the vice chancellors of the three Universities and replace with "Project Directors."

Questioned whether the opening of University of Northern Bahr El Ghazal by President Salva Kiir Mayardit in March 2012 would be an obstacle to his recommendation, the Minister answered: "What the people of Northern Bahr El Ghazal did was to hijack the President to open a tukul (a thatched hut) which they called a university."

Apparently, it did not occur to the Minister that the President Kiir Mayardit knew well ahead before leaving Juba that he was going to open a university in Aweil. The press (radio and printed media) was well informed about what the President will do during that visit. The Minister of Higher Education, however, preferred to stay in the dark, despite the letters of invitation by the vice chancellor on his desk, and many telephone calls to his office! The Minister was utterly oblivious to all that.

The Emperor Has No Clothes

The emperor has no clothes, and yet few of us would admit that fact. And here is why. I would have thought that proposing new universities without vice chancellors and without a budgetary allocation is tantamount to aborting them in the bud; and that the public would read the Minister move correctly for what it is. Unfortunately, it seems the proposal is gaining a following in certain quarters of South Sudan academic community.

Most recently, a former colleague at University of Juba, Professor Venasio Muludiang, wrote an opinion piece in the Citizen Newspaper (The Citizen, 19 August 2012 Vol. 7 Issue 219). In his article, Dr. Muldudiang seems to support the Minister's idea of growing new universities that are not necessarily led by vice chancellors. He wrote: "There are reports that these three universities have been downgraded to university projects but still headed by Vice Chancellors….How can university projects be headed by Vice Chancellor, and for how long will they be funded without admitting students?"

To read Dr. Muludiang correctly, we deduce two things that are in line with Dr. Nyaba policy towards new universities. First, these three universities do not need to be founded by vice chancellors. Second, these new universities do not need to be funded, but somehow with passing of time, they will be in position to admit students, and only then will they be funded.

Now what can be more ridiculous than this; when we seem to suggest that we can have eggs without chickens; or we can have chickens without eggs. That is precisely what is being preached by our respectful academic colleagues. Or is it not an academic heresy at its worst, and a self-defeating invention by the Minister of Higher Education; and to which many of our colleagues have chosen to subscribe to with without much thought or critical analysis?

We do not need to argue much that even the currently functioning universities are ongoing project concerns, and calling new universities "projects" need not be construed as downgrading. What is intellectually and academically questionable is to believe that universities can be founded without being led by vice chancellors right from the beginning. Another is to believe these project universities will one day materialize without committing resources to get them off the ground.

One former founding vice chancellor of a new University in Bangladesh sent me an encouraging email a few months ago, and this is what he wrote: "when I started, it was all like war scene…now looking back, I am filled with sense of pride and satisfaction by that unique experience."

The Experience of University of Juba

To give lie to the notion that we can somehow establish new quality universities without appointing capable and visionary vice chancellors to found them, it is worth considering how the University of Juba was founded.  From time of inception to when it started to admit students, University of Juba had three vice chancellors. The first vice chancellor was Professor Mohamed Obeid El Mubarak. He was appointed as the vice chancellor of University of Juba for one day and relieved by President Numerie the next day, and then reappointed as the first Vice Chancellor of University of Gezira (where I later did my undergraduate studies as the third batch).

Then President Numeri appointed Professor Abdalla El Tayeb, the renown Khartoum University professor and a world-class thinker, as the second vice chancellor of University of Juba (He is still, albeit inaccurately, registered as the first Vice Chancellor of University of Juba). Professor Abadalla El Tayeb spent just three months and resigned the position, citing: "I did not find a university in Juba, but I found an empty space and a tree!"

Then Professor Samani Abdalla Yacoub was appointed as the third vice chancellor. It was under Samani that the University of Juba began to take off. Tragically, Samani died in airplane crash near Malakal, and Professor Awad Abuszied was appointed to carry on with what Samani and others had started. So, we have the University of Juba today as an established institution that has already produced leaders for our nation. As an academic institution, it had to start right.

Concluding Remarks

It takes a visionary, leadership, perseverance, resilience, and stamina to start a university (I speak from personal experience, short it may seem). Establishing a new University is not a job relegated to "lesser academics" than vice chancellors.

Finally, university projects need funding to get off the ground. Without funding and without right leadership from the start, and no clear terms of reference, what passes as "University projects" under Minister Adwok Nyaba are nothing but rich man's jokes. What's more, I have never ceased to wonder about how long the Ministry of Higher Education, Research, Science and Technology will continue to resist being science and research-led.